Land disputes have become a major tension between officials and villagers (around China). It’s not the case in those three villages because villagers share the benefits. There are no middlemen. There are no real estate developers colluding with cadres to enrich their own pockets. There’s no such thing because villagers are shareholders in those cooperatives.
In 1909, the Qing government founded a Commitee for the Establishment and Research of a National Language (Guoyu biancha weiyuanhui 國語編查委員會), and two years later a Conference for [General] Education in China (Zhongguo jiaoyu huiyi 中國教育會議) was held, which was reestablished after the foundation of the Republic in 1911. The first task of this conference was to determine the correct phonetic range and system of the National language. In 1913 a Conference for the Unification of Pronunciation (duyin tongyi hui 讀音統一會) was held which fixed the correct pronunciation of characters in the national language.

There were some voiced or "soft" consonants ([b], [d], [g], [dz]) not any longer used in Mandarin (correctly, [p], [t], [k] and [ts]), but in some local idioms and a lot of topolects. There might have been initial consonant clusters, like [kl-] or [pl-]. This theory has been derived from the fact that some phonetic elements have two different series, like 各 [gə] serving for the series 格 [gə], 恪 [kə], 閣 [gə] or 客 [kə] and the series 洛 [lωɔ], 路 [lu], 賂 [lu] and 略 [lyɛ]. It is quite probable that the initial cluster [kl-] served for words that later were simplified to [l-] or for [k-].


The arrival of new technologies and digitised media into family life, and how they intersect with contemporary changes in both childhood and parenting culture have resulted in a marked change in the nature of home-based musical experiences for very young children. From recent general surveys of digital technology use in everyday life among young children carried out in various post-industrial ... [Show full abstract]Read more
The Chinese lexicon includes a vast amount of words and expressions through all times (for example, the lexicon of the Han period), all regions (e.g. the lexicon of Guangzhou 廣州), of different levels of speech (for instance, language in letters) and of professional fields (like expressions of the merchant guilds). Chinese scholars even go so far to investigate the lexicon of particular works, like the famous novel Hongloumeng 紅樓夢.
Middle Chinese is much easier to reconstruct because contemporary Chinese strated investigating the sounds of their own language. The most important of these researches is Lu Fayan's 陸法言 (fl. 601) rhyme dictionary Qieyun 切韻 from the Tang period 唐 (618-907). Based on this book, the Song period 宋 (960-1279) scholar Chen Pengnian 陳彭年 (961-1017) compiled the rhyme dictionary Guangyun 廣韻. In the Qieyun, 193 rhyme groups were used, in the Guangyun, 206 rhyme groups (called the Guangyun rhymes). It is not known upon which idiom these books are based as a standard language. Yet about half of the the 206 rhyme groups are syllables with different tone pitches, and not syllables with different rhymes. There were, therefore, only 90 real rhyme groups.
As can be seen from these examples, the four words are arranged in a parallel way. Learners of Chinese have to deal with a lot of chengyu. Even in normal speech, four-character expressions are favoured, like jinxing diaocha 進行調查 "to conduct research", jiayi zhengdun 加以整頓 "to improve consolidation", huxiang maiyuan 互相埋怨 "to settle differences" or gongtong shiyong 共同使用 "shared use".
Non-verbal adjectives (feiyu xingrongci 非謂形容詞) are mostly nouns, often with adjunct, acting as noun adjuncts to another noun. In most cases they can be signified by inserting the "possessive" particle de 的, like daxing (de) che 大型(的)車 "large car (car of great size)". The difference to adjective adjuncts is that adjectives can serve as adjective verbs (chezi hong 車子紅 "the cars are red"), while non-verbal adjectives can not. Adjective verbs do not need a copula ("is"), a phenomenon also known in Russian. Yet a copula has to be used to combine a subject and another noun, like Wo shi Meiguoren 我是美國人 "I am an American." (negation: bu shi 不是).
The Yang Jingyu Martyrs Cemetery is located on the hills adjoining the Tongjiang River in Tonghua and was built to commemorate Second Sino-Japanese War war hero, Yang Jingyu. It was built in July 1954 and completed in September 1957. The cemetery covers an area of 20,000 m2 (220,000 sq ft). There are five buildings in the park, which are classical glazed tile buildings. The front is the mourning hall and the tomb. The four partial temples are the performance exhibition hall of General Yang Jingyu. The bronze statue of General Yang Jingyu erects on the central of the cemetery. The front of the granite base is engraved with Peng Zhen’s handwriting: The National Hero Yang Jingyu.[9]
The topolect of Wu, for example, has voiced sounds (zhuoyin 濁音) which are between the "soft" and the aspirated consonants. Cantonese has 4 consonantial syllable endings more than Mandarin, namely [p], [t], [k] and [m]. The Mandarin dialects of the lower Yangtze region have a voice-stop at the end of syllables, called the entering tone pitch (rusheng 入聲). Cantonese has 9 tone pitches, the Mandarin dialect of Yantai 煙台 on the Shandong Peninsula only three. The designations for the tone pitches are not equal in all topolects and dialects. In Beijing, the raising tone is called yangping, while in the dialect of Tianjin 天津, the yangping is a high level tone and in the dialect of Hankou 漢口 an inflected movement of the voice.
During the period of the Southern and Northern Dynasties 南北朝 (300~600), the suffixes zi 子, er 兒 and tou 頭 were for the first time used, likewise the prefixes lao 老 (like laoshu 老鼠 "rat, mouse" and laoya 老鴉 "crow") and a 阿. There are, especially in the field of religion, a lot of books written in vernacular language, which greatly helps to perceive the differences between the written and the spoken language. These are especially the Chan collections Zutangji 祖堂集 and Liuzu tanjing 六祖壇經, and the genre of the bianwen 變文 literature found in Dunhuang 敦煌.
In Mandarin there is also a difference between spoken language and the level of written language. The general tendency is that spoken language had a deep influence on written Mandarin, especially after the May Fourth Movement 五四運動, when writers started using the vernacular language (baihua 白話 "plain language") for writing instead of the classical written language (wenyan). Written Mandarin, nevertheless, still uses a lot of grammatic words and expressions in style that are directly derived from the ancient written language.
When training with her new limb, she learns how to balance her driven and positive nature without overconfidence or agitation. She paints her arm to match her style, changes to a new outfit and heads to Mistral, though Taiyang Xiao Long believes she has not overcome the personality flaws that cost her arm. While traveling Mistral to reunite with Ruby, she continues to struggle with her PTSD, which manifests in her left arm shaking when she encounters stress.
There are also some disyllabic words that can not be dissolved in two morphemes. One of the two used as a single word would make no sense, like "embarrassed, in a dilemma" ganga 尷尬 or "irregular, uneven" cenci 參差. Words of this type are often beginning with the same consonant or ending with the same phoneme. In modern Mandarin, far the largest part of the words, regardless if verbs or nouns, is disyllabic.
The Forest Park is dominated by natural landscapes. The total area of the park is about 1,041 hectares (2,570 acres) and the forest coverage rate is 98.7%. The main species are Korean pine, spruce, alfalfa, birch, and rare species such as yew, hedgehog[clarification needed], hawthorn, and magnolia. Under the canopy, there are mainly wild ginseng, ginseng, asarum and other medicinal materials.[10]

Based on a field study in a village in the northern plain of China, this paper reviews three different types in how Han-Chinese rural people have coped with domestic electrical appliances during the last 40-odd years of electrification. The aim of this paper is to offer an ethnographic study of the complex relations between technology and social life in a Chinese rural setting and to explore the logic and dynamics whereby rural populations confront and integrate new technical products into their everyday life. This paper is divided into three main parts: following the introduction on the “everyday technology approach” and background information about the field site, the author next gives a brief historical description of the electrification process in rural China. The third part is dedicated to the ethnographic data concerning five appliances: electric light, water pump, TV, washing machine and water boiler–cooler. The paper concludes with a discussion of issues concerning appropriation of new technology in the wider background of society/economy/state and everyday habitus, questioning how well conventional oppositional dichotomies like female/male, masculinity/feminity serve as analytical frameworks. —一项关于中国农村家用电器使用方式的研究 本文的写作基础是作者对中国北方一个汉族村落的社会人类学田野考察。由于中国农村的电器化过程长达四十年之久, 农村人群购买和使用家用电器的条件和方式呈现出非常多元的状态。作者选择考察日常生活五种电器—电灯、水泵、电视机、洗衣机、饮水机—来分析三种不同类型的购买和使用方式。本文的目的在于为研究中国农村社会环境下技术与社会生活的复杂关系提供民族志层面上的实证材料, 并探讨农村人群在日常生活中面对和接受新技术产品时所遵循的逻辑及其动力。 全文由三个主要部分组成 : 一、本文的理论背景即“日用技术研究方法”以及与田野调查相关的背景信息二、农村电气化的历史过程 ; 三、对农村人群购买和使用五种家用电器方式的民族志描写。作者认为, 在研究新技术产品如何被接受的过程时, 有必要将其置于社会/经济/国家这些大背景之下, 同时也必须注意到这一过程与日常惯习之间的内在关联。作者发现, 在家用电器进入农村家庭的过程中, 男女性别二元对立出现缓解, 农村家庭中夫妻之间的合作互助关系得以加强, 尽管男性与女性在购买和使用这些电器产品上各自有不同的想法和做法。 关键词 : 社会性别, 家用电器, 电气化, 中国农村
... Anthropologists have conducted ethnographic research on the shopping activities and on the use of light bulbs to learn how people act in stores and how they use bulbs in their homes. A study of electricity use in China (Wu, 2008) showed that men, rather than women, typically purchase light bulbs, but that electric light is more important for women's economic activities (such as sewing clothes) than for men's, so that men and women might have different priorities in selecting bulbs. This study also showed that more expensive electric items are often purchased in stores, while less expensive ones are purchased in street markets. ...
The topolect of Wu, for example, has voiced sounds (zhuoyin 濁音) which are between the "soft" and the aspirated consonants. Cantonese has 4 consonantial syllable endings more than Mandarin, namely [p], [t], [k] and [m]. The Mandarin dialects of the lower Yangtze region have a voice-stop at the end of syllables, called the entering tone pitch (rusheng 入聲). Cantonese has 9 tone pitches, the Mandarin dialect of Yantai 煙台 on the Shandong Peninsula only three. The designations for the tone pitches are not equal in all topolects and dialects. In Beijing, the raising tone is called yangping, while in the dialect of Tianjin 天津, the yangping is a high level tone and in the dialect of Hankou 漢口 an inflected movement of the voice.
Confucian philosophers, often scolded as conservative, were by no means inclined to the classical language. The Zhuzi yulei 朱子語類, a collection of discourses by Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130-1200), is written in vernacular language, at least partially. The creation of a lot of new terms in technology during the Song, Yuan 元 (1279-1368) and also the Ming periods, is due to the growing economy that stimulated a lot of inventions. 
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