Based on a field study in a village in the northern plain of China, this paper reviews three different types in how Han-Chinese rural people have coped with domestic electrical appliances during the last 40-odd years of electrification. The aim of this paper is to offer an ethnographic study of the complex relations between technology and social life in a Chinese rural setting and to explore the logic and dynamics whereby rural populations confront and integrate new technical products into their everyday life. This paper is divided into three main parts: following the introduction on the “everyday technology approach” and background information about the field site, the author next gives a brief historical description of the electrification process in rural China. The third part is dedicated to the ethnographic data concerning five appliances: electric light, water pump, TV, washing machine and water boiler–cooler. The paper concludes with a discussion of issues concerning appropriation of new technology in the wider background of society/economy/state and everyday habitus, questioning how well conventional oppositional dichotomies like female/male, masculinity/feminity serve as analytical frameworks. —一项关于中国农村家用电器使用方式的研究 本文的写作基础是作者对中国北方一个汉族村落的社会人类学田野考察。由于中国农村的电器化过程长达四十年之久, 农村人群购买和使用家用电器的条件和方式呈现出非常多元的状态。作者选择考察日常生活五种电器—电灯、水泵、电视机、洗衣机、饮水机—来分析三种不同类型的购买和使用方式。本文的目的在于为研究中国农村社会环境下技术与社会生活的复杂关系提供民族志层面上的实证材料, 并探讨农村人群在日常生活中面对和接受新技术产品时所遵循的逻辑及其动力。 全文由三个主要部分组成 : 一、本文的理论背景即“日用技术研究方法”以及与田野调查相关的背景信息二、农村电气化的历史过程 ; 三、对农村人群购买和使用五种家用电器方式的民族志描写。作者认为, 在研究新技术产品如何被接受的过程时, 有必要将其置于社会/经济/国家这些大背景之下, 同时也必须注意到这一过程与日常惯习之间的内在关联。作者发现, 在家用电器进入农村家庭的过程中, 男女性别二元对立出现缓解, 农村家庭中夫妻之间的合作互助关系得以加强, 尽管男性与女性在购买和使用这些电器产品上各自有不同的想法和做法。 关键词 : 社会性别, 家用电器, 电气化, 中国农村
Children's health is a key factor in women's decisions to leave abusive partners, yet how these families promote their health after leaving is poorly understood. In this feminist grounded theory study, the authors conducted repeat interviews with 40 single-parent families that had left abusive partners/fathers and analyzed the data using constant comparative methods. Findings reveal the central ... [Show full abstract]Read more

After arriving in Atlas and meeting with James Ironwood, Yang obtains an entirely new outfit primarily consisting of khaki coveralls, the gold zipper of which is unzipped just below the breast to reveal a white low-cut shirt. Around each thigh of the coveralls is a gold zipper that allows for the pants leg to be detached, as well as a belted strap that connects to the leg. The right leg is unzipped but still strapped to the coveralls. Over top the coveralls, she wears a baggy, black crop jacket with fur trim around the neck and black-and-orange straps along the sleeves. Around her waist is a black-and-orange belt with black-and-yellow folded fabric on the sides and a golden buckle of her emblem. She wears tall black boots with black laces. Around her left thigh is a wide black belt with a pouch attached. For accessories, she has resumed wearing her orange scarf around her neck and her purple scarf around her right leg, like she did with her original battle outfit.
After the timeskip following the Fall of Beacon, her new outfit consists of a gray jacket over an orange tank top that bares her hips. The jacket is tied at the right sleeve, indicating her missing arm. The jacket's left sleeve bears her father's emblem. Completing her attire are gray-brown cargo pants, which have ribbed knee paneling and show the rim of her dark undergarments. High on the left leg of her pants is a red shield-shaped patch with imagery of three Ursa masks, and her emblem is stitched on her right thigh. She wears white sneakers with purple laces, and her hair is pulled back into a messy ponytail with a purple hair tie.
The tone pitches of Early Modern Chinese were identical to the four known tones of Mandarin. The diminished set of sounds had even elevated the importance of the tone pitches. Many Middle Chinese words with the falling-raising tone pitch had changed to the falling tone pitch. Even from early modern Chinese to the modern Mandarin, changes in the tone pitches took place. Some idioms of Mandarin still today show traces of voiced initial consonants and of the entering tone.

Increasing globalization is forcing a growing number of organization members of different ethnic origins to interact across linguistic boundaries. And since language affects almost all aspects of everyday life, this calls for the attention of researchers and practitioners engaged with multiethnic organizations. Extant research has noted a strong association between ethnic identity and language ... [Show full abstract]View full-text
There is no consensus about the plosives [b], [d] and [g]. In the Hanyu pinyin transcription they are written like presented here (b p, d t, g k). Yet there were originally three different series of plosives, namely voiced (zhuoyin 濁音), voiceless (qingyin 清音) and semi-voiced (qingzhuoyin 清濁音). In some Mandarin dialects in the lower Yangtze area, the voiced plosives are still existing. Many linguists interprete the plosives of Mandarin as semi-voiced and as voiceless, and therefore write [p][pʰ], [t][tʰ] and [k][kʰ]. I think that although this might be correct it is yet misleading for most laypersons, and therefore I will consistently use the symbols indicated in the listing above.
A very large amount of Chinese words includes syllables with slightly similar finals without being categorized as words with "internal rhyme", like shangchuang 上牀 "to go to bed", qingchun 青春 "green spring", i.e. "young age or youth" or qingchun 清純 "pretty and pure". In the narrowest sense, there are only a few words baring more or less the same initials and exactly the same endings (like fufu 夫婦 "husband and wife", jiejue 孑孓, or lulu 轆轤). There are also words including a repeated syllable, like yingying 盈盈 "clear; enchanting; full display; agile, nimble", chuchu 楚楚 "clear, tidy; graceful", zizi 孜孜 "diligent, industrious", or diedie 爹爹 "daddy".

The oldest evidence of the Chinese language dates from the late Shang period 商 (17th-11th cent. BCE), when divination texts were incised into tortoise plastrons or other bones. This language, called Early Archaic Chinese, is very different in grammar from the modern Chinese, but still recognizable as Chinese. The pronunciation also considerably changed over time. The pronunciation of Mandarin is, compared to the phonetics of ancient Chinese, relatively simple.

Words can, if standing alone, not be classified. There is no functional part of words marking them as a noun, an adjective or a verb, like prefixes or suffixes. Only the relative position of words to each other in a sentence makes it possible to discern subject, predicate and object, as well as adjuncts and complements. Many words can function as a verb and also as a noun. As to words, it is often hard to say if two monosyllabic words are to be viewed as two separate words or as one word, especially if the combination is often used (for example, the often-used expression da zhang 打仗 "to fight" is not recorded as a word in dictionaries because it is viewed as a predicate – object construction, "to beat a fight", yet dajia 打架 "scuffle", literally "to beat a quarrel" is seen as a unified word).
Structural particles (jiegou zhuci 結構助詞) serve to connect words with adjuncts and complements. The three particles are pronounced very similar and can easily be confounded, also by Chinese. The most simple is the particle de 的, the original meaning of which is "target" (compare the word mùdì 目的 "motif, objective"). From the Song period on, it became a particle connecting a noun and a noun adjuncts, and thus replaced the older particle zhi 之. It can be called a genetive particle, like "of" in English, "de" in French or no in Japanese.
The oldest evidence of the Chinese language dates from the late Shang period 商 (17th-11th cent. BCE), when divination texts were incised into tortoise plastrons or other bones. This language, called Early Archaic Chinese, is very different in grammar from the modern Chinese, but still recognizable as Chinese. The pronunciation also considerably changed over time. The pronunciation of Mandarin is, compared to the phonetics of ancient Chinese, relatively simple.
In November 1918, the Zhuyin alphabet was issued as the official transcription for the national language. In the same year, the newspaper Xinqingnian 新青年 started writing in the vernacular language. In 1919 finally, the Beijing government opened the Preparatory Committee for Standardizing the National Language (Guoyu tongyi choubei hui 國語統一籌備會). The Zhuyin alphabet was revised and to be used concurrently with the Gwoyeu Romatzyh transcription 國語羅馬字 which uses the Latin alphabet. While the Zhuyin alphabet was to be used by pupils in China, the Gwoyeu Romatzyh alphabet was thought as a means for internationalization. The use of the latter was officially promulgated in 1928.
Suffixes (houzhui 後綴) are mainly positioned after adjectives and adverbial adjuncts, like ran 然, er 爾, er 而, ruo 若 and ru 如. Of these, only ran has survived until today, as seen in the words ouran 偶然 "by accident", ziran 自然 "natural", guoran 果然 "really, as expected", and so on. The common suffixes zi 子, er 兒 and tou 頭 have a long history (for instance, dizi 弟子 "disciple", penr 盆兒 "small pot",or 木頭 mutou "wood"). Zi was already used as a suffix during the Han period 漢 (206 BE-220 CE), the suffix tou appeared during the Southern Dynasties period 南朝 (420~589), and er came up during the Tang period 唐 (618-907).
Its population was 3,700,000 at the 2016 census whom 1,301,732 live in the built-up area made of 4 urban districts (Jiefang, Shanyang, Zhongzhan and Macun) and Bo'ai County being urbanized. Jiaozuo enjoys a humid subtropical climate with continental climate influences. Winters are cool and relatively dry while summers are hot and often rainy. Average temperature ranges from 0.3 °C in January to 27.5 °C in July. Extremes exist from -22.4 °C to 43.6 °C. Precipitation averages 659 mm.

Dr. Hou received her B.A. in English with a concentration on International Business Communication at Nanjing University, China and her Ph.D. in Sociology at Boston University. Before joining St. Lawrence University in 2009, she taught a year at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. Her research and teaching interests include the sociology of development, economic sociology, and the sociology of organizations, with a particular focus on China and Asia. She has published in The Journal of Asian Studies, Theory and Society, Theory, Culture & Society, China Perspectives, Ethnic and Racial Studies, etc., and finished a book entitled Community Capitalism in China: The State, the Market, and Collectivism (Cambridge University Press, 2013). Currently she is co-editing the five-volume Encyclopedia of Race, Ethnicity, and Nationalism (Wiley-Blackwell, 2015). She is also working on a research project comparing green technology innovations in China and in the US, focusing on the industry of electric vehicles. Funded by William B. Bradbury, Jr. Faculty Award and Faculty Research Fellowship Award, she completed the project's fieldwork in China in 2013.

The Yang Jingyu Martyrs Cemetery is located on the hills adjoining the Tongjiang River in Tonghua and was built to commemorate Second Sino-Japanese War war hero, Yang Jingyu. It was built in July 1954 and completed in September 1957. The cemetery covers an area of 20,000 m2 (220,000 sq ft). There are five buildings in the park, which are classical glazed tile buildings. The front is the mourning hall and the tomb. The four partial temples are the performance exhibition hall of General Yang Jingyu. The bronze statue of General Yang Jingyu erects on the central of the cemetery. The front of the granite base is engraved with Peng Zhen’s handwriting: The National Hero Yang Jingyu.[9]

There are lots of personal pronouns in Chinese, some of them variants of one and the same word. In Classical Chinese, the first person is called wo 我, wu 吾, yu 予, yu 余, yi 台 (rare), yi 卬 (rare) or zhen 朕 (only to be used by the emperor). The second person is addressed as ru 汝 (sometimes simplified to 女), er 爾 or nai 乃. The third person is addressed as bi 彼, fu 夫, yi 伊 or qi 其. Much more common in Classical Chinese is the use of functions as personal pronoun. A minister is calling himself chen 臣 "[your] minister/servant", a wife herself qie 妾 "[your] wife", a friend is addressed as zi 子 "[you] prince", the emperor is addressed as bixia 陛下 "below the steps" (second person) or shang 上 "that above" (third person). Classical Chinese abstains from a regular use of subjects, and if the context is clear, the personal pronoun as a subject is often left out, especially that of the third person.

There were some voiced or "soft" consonants ([b], [d], [g], [dz]) not any longer used in Mandarin (correctly, [p], [t], [k] and [ts]), but in some local idioms and a lot of topolects. There might have been initial consonant clusters, like [kl-] or [pl-]. This theory has been derived from the fact that some phonetic elements have two different series, like 各 [gə] serving for the series 格 [gə], 恪 [kə], 閣 [gə] or 客 [kə] and the series 洛 [lωɔ], 路 [lu], 賂 [lu] and 略 [lyɛ]. It is quite probable that the initial cluster [kl-] served for words that later were simplified to [l-] or for [k-].