Quite a modern phenomenon is the use of numerative measure words (liangci 量詞). In Classical Chinese, numerals and nouns were simply put side by side. Measure words are rarely seen and were restricted to certain expressions, like ma san pi 馬三匹 "three horses". The number is added after the noun as a kind of complement. In modern Chinese there is an abundant sea of measure words, like zhi 只 for small animals, pi 匹 for large animals, tiao 條 for long objects (also fish), zhang 張 for flat objects, wei 位 for honoured persons, chang 場 for events (like a rain) or theatre plays, or hui 回 for "(three) times". Ge 個 is a kind of general measure word. The syntactic construction is also different in modern Chinese: In the expression san pi ma 三匹馬, "three animals" is seen as an adjunct to "horse", and the measure word is treated like an interstitional particle.

A pair of crooked black belts with gold accents are slung around her hip, with a purple piece of fabric attached to the left-rear section of the lower belt. She wears thigh high stockings attached to her miniskirt by garter-belts on the front and back of each thigh, decorated with four golden studs above her knee and her emblem on the outside of each thigh in gold. She also wears black ankle boots with multiple buckles and white ribbons on the back tied in a bow. Around her neck is a purple pendant set in silver.
In the year 404, Huiyuan wrote a treatise On Why Monks Do Not Bow Down Before Kings (沙門不敬王者論).[4] This book symbolized his efforts to assert the political independence of Buddhist clergy from the courts of monarchic rulers. At the same time, it was a religious and political text that aimed to convince monarchs and Confucian-minded ministers of state that followers of Buddhism were ultimately not subversive. He argued that Buddhists could make good subjects in a kingdom due to their beliefs in retribution of karma and the desire to be reborn in paradise. Despite the Buddhists' reputation of leaving their family behind for a monastic life, Huiyuan stated "those who rejoice in the Way of the Buddha invariably first serve their parents and obey their lords."[1]
Directional verbs (quxiang dongci 趨向動詞) are normal verbs that can also be used as complements of result at the end of other verbs or adjectives, like na lai 拿來 "to take here", ji chu 寄出 "to send out", re qi lai 熱起來 "to become hot". Auxiliary verbs are used as in other languages, and they are places before the main verb. "Prepositions" (jieci 介詞) can be seen as auxiliary verbs, as they, too, are placed before the main verb and originally were full verbs themselves.
Structural particles (jiegou zhuci 結構助詞) serve to connect words with adjuncts and complements. The three particles are pronounced very similar and can easily be confounded, also by Chinese. The most simple is the particle de 的, the original meaning of which is "target" (compare the word mùdì 目的 "motif, objective"). From the Song period on, it became a particle connecting a noun and a noun adjuncts, and thus replaced the older particle zhi 之. It can be called a genetive particle, like "of" in English, "de" in French or no in Japanese.
This article spells out the methodological considerations and various procedural and methodological subtleties developed over the author's quarter century of sociological field studies of Russia's peasant worlds. Particular attention is paid to “voices from below”—peasant discursive formats that capture, in natural and undiluted form, the evolution of peasant practices constituting the core of ... [Show full abstract]Read more

Dr. Wang obtained a Ph. D. in Bioengineering at UCSD. He worked at University of Illinois as an assistant professor and an associate professor. He is interested in molecular engineering, fluorescence resonance energy transfer (FRET), live cell imaging, and bio-nanotechnology to visualize and elucidate the molecular mechanisms by which live cells perceive the environment and to engineer machinery molecules for the reprogramming of cellular functions. 

The most important topolects are Wu 吳, which is spoken in Shanghai, the southern part of the province of Jiangsu, and northern Zhejiang; Gan 贛, which is spoken in the province of Jiangxi; Xiang 湘, spoken in the provinces of Hunan and Guangxi; Yue 粵, better known as Cantonese and spoken in the provinces of Guangdong and Guangxi; Min 閩, spoken in the province of Fujian, and in Taiwan; and Hakka 客家, spoken in many scattered places in Guangdong, Fujian, Jiangxi, and in Taiwan. Cantonese and Hakka are also the main languages of Chinese Overseas.
The tone pitch can change, depending on the following syllable. In a word with two syllables of the falling-raising tone pitch, for example, the first syllable is spoken in the raising tone. In general, the third, falling-raising tone is spoken just low-level, without executing the full movement. This phenomenon is called tone sandhi (biandiao 變調) by linguists, sandhi being a Sanskrit word. The word yǔsǎn 雨傘 "umbrella", for example, changes to yúsǎn. The words bu 不, and the numbers yi 一, ba 八 and qi 七 also change their tone pitches according to the following syllable.
Based on a field study in a village in the northern plain of China, this paper reviews three different types in how Han-Chinese rural people have coped with domestic electrical appliances during the last 40-odd years of electrification. The aim of this paper is to offer an ethnographic study of the complex relations between technology and social life in a Chinese rural setting and to explore the logic and dynamics whereby rural populations confront and integrate new technical products into their everyday life. This paper is divided into three main parts: following the introduction on the “everyday technology approach” and background information about the field site, the author next gives a brief historical description of the electrification process in rural China. The third part is dedicated to the ethnographic data concerning five appliances: electric light, water pump, TV, washing machine and water boiler–cooler. The paper concludes with a discussion of issues concerning appropriation of new technology in the wider background of society/economy/state and everyday habitus, questioning how well conventional oppositional dichotomies like female/male, masculinity/feminity serve as analytical frameworks. —一项关于中国农村家用电器使用方式的研究 本文的写作基础是作者对中国北方一个汉族村落的社会人类学田野考察。由于中国农村的电器化过程长达四十年之久, 农村人群购买和使用家用电器的条件和方式呈现出非常多元的状态。作者选择考察日常生活五种电器—电灯、水泵、电视机、洗衣机、饮水机—来分析三种不同类型的购买和使用方式。本文的目的在于为研究中国农村社会环境下技术与社会生活的复杂关系提供民族志层面上的实证材料, 并探讨农村人群在日常生活中面对和接受新技术产品时所遵循的逻辑及其动力。 全文由三个主要部分组成 : 一、本文的理论背景即“日用技术研究方法”以及与田野调查相关的背景信息二、农村电气化的历史过程 ; 三、对农村人群购买和使用五种家用电器方式的民族志描写。作者认为, 在研究新技术产品如何被接受的过程时, 有必要将其置于社会/经济/国家这些大背景之下, 同时也必须注意到这一过程与日常惯习之间的内在关联。作者发现, 在家用电器进入农村家庭的过程中, 男女性别二元对立出现缓解, 农村家庭中夫妻之间的合作互助关系得以加强, 尽管男性与女性在购买和使用这些电器产品上各自有不同的想法和做法。 关键词 : 社会性别, 家用电器, 电气化, 中国农村
Although the literature suggests that compulsive buying derives from an internal urge (e.g., to relieve stress or boost low self-esteem etc.), why do they persist even when such buying activities lead to harmful consequences? Why do they relapse? Note, moreover, that buying activities are a routine behaviour in our everyday life. So why do most people engage in 'normal buying' activities rather ... [Show full abstract]Read more
A pair of crooked black belts with gold accents are slung around her hip, with a purple piece of fabric attached to the left-rear section of the lower belt. She wears thigh high stockings attached to her miniskirt by garter-belts on the front and back of each thigh, decorated with four golden studs above her knee and her emblem on the outside of each thigh in gold. She also wears black ankle boots with multiple buckles and white ribbons on the back tied in a bow. Around her neck is a purple pendant set in silver.
The tone pitches were one criterion for the arrangement of the rhyme groups in Middle Chinese. The Qieyun, and all later rhyme dictionaries, discerns the four tones pitches of level tone (pingsheng 平聲), falling-raising tone (shangsheng 上聲), falling tone (qusheng 去聲) and entering tone (rusheng 入聲, syllables with consonant finals [-p], [-t] and [-k]). The yangsheng syllables (endings [-m] [n] [-ŋ]) with the rhymes [-uŋ], [-ĭuŋ], [-uk], and [-ĭuk], for example, are divided into the four rhyme groups 東 [tuŋ˥˩], 董 [tuŋ˥], 送 [suŋ˩˥] and 屋 [ʔuk], each bearing a different tone pitch. The yinsheng syllables (without final consonant) with the rhyme of [-ĭo], are divided into the three rhyme groups 魚 [ŋĭo˩], 語 [ŋĭo˥] and 御 [ŋĭo˩˥] because there is no word with the entering tone pitch among these syllables.
In modern Chinese, the particle de 的 expresses reliability. The particle le 了 indicates a change in the situation, with new circumstances and conditions. It stands after a modified verb. The other modal particles are used at the end of a sentence. ma 嗎 is a question marker (the modern counterpart to the classical hu 乎); ne 呢 marks a rhetorical question asking for confirmation, or a this-or-that question; ba 吧 asks even more for confirmation by conversational partners, but also indicates an imperative; there are lots of other modal particles at the end of sentences, like a 啊, ya 呀, and so on. Some particles can be used in combination.
There are also some disyllabic words that can not be dissolved in two morphemes. One of the two used as a single word would make no sense, like "embarrassed, in a dilemma" ganga 尷尬 or "irregular, uneven" cenci 參差. Words of this type are often beginning with the same consonant or ending with the same phoneme. In modern Mandarin, far the largest part of the words, regardless if verbs or nouns, is disyllabic.
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