Erdaojiang District has a number of steelworks, and tens of thousands of steelworkers are employed locally. In July 2009, workers at Tonghua Iron and Steel Group rioted (See main article) at news of a takeover deal by privately owned Jianlong Steel, and the general manager of the firm was beaten to death. The unrest reportedly involved 30,000 workers, with up to 100 injured in clashes with police. The takeover was promptly scrapped.[6][7]
This article discusses critical discourse theory as a qualitative research theory. Analytical frameworks include analysis of texts, communication and social practices in local, corporate and social levels. It has the goal of expressing and engaging in politics to discuss or deal with certain research methods, statements or values. It refers to the need to explain, understand, analyze, and ... [Show full abstract]Read more

Based on a field study in a village in the northern plain of China, this paper reviews three different types in how Han-Chinese rural people have coped with domestic electrical appliances during the last 40-odd years of electrification. The aim of this paper is to offer an ethnographic study of the complex relations between technology and social life in a Chinese rural setting and to explore the logic and dynamics whereby rural populations confront and integrate new technical products into their everyday life. This paper is divided into three main parts: following the introduction on the “everyday technology approach” and background information about the field site, the author next gives a brief historical description of the electrification process in rural China. The third part is dedicated to the ethnographic data concerning five appliances: electric light, water pump, TV, washing machine and water boiler–cooler. The paper concludes with a discussion of issues concerning appropriation of new technology in the wider background of society/economy/state and everyday habitus, questioning how well conventional oppositional dichotomies like female/male, masculinity/feminity serve as analytical frameworks. —一项关于中国农村家用电器使用方式的研究 本文的写作基础是作者对中国北方一个汉族村落的社会人类学田野考察。由于中国农村的电器化过程长达四十年之久, 农村人群购买和使用家用电器的条件和方式呈现出非常多元的状态。作者选择考察日常生活五种电器—电灯、水泵、电视机、洗衣机、饮水机—来分析三种不同类型的购买和使用方式。本文的目的在于为研究中国农村社会环境下技术与社会生活的复杂关系提供民族志层面上的实证材料, 并探讨农村人群在日常生活中面对和接受新技术产品时所遵循的逻辑及其动力。 全文由三个主要部分组成 : 一、本文的理论背景即“日用技术研究方法”以及与田野调查相关的背景信息二、农村电气化的历史过程 ; 三、对农村人群购买和使用五种家用电器方式的民族志描写。作者认为, 在研究新技术产品如何被接受的过程时, 有必要将其置于社会/经济/国家这些大背景之下, 同时也必须注意到这一过程与日常惯习之间的内在关联。作者发现, 在家用电器进入农村家庭的过程中, 男女性别二元对立出现缓解, 农村家庭中夫妻之间的合作互助关系得以加强, 尽管男性与女性在购买和使用这些电器产品上各自有不同的想法和做法。 关键词 : 社会性别, 家用电器, 电气化, 中国农村
There were some voiced or "soft" consonants ([b], [d], [g], [dz]) not any longer used in Mandarin (correctly, [p], [t], [k] and [ts]), but in some local idioms and a lot of topolects. There might have been initial consonant clusters, like [kl-] or [pl-]. This theory has been derived from the fact that some phonetic elements have two different series, like 各 [gə] serving for the series 格 [gə], 恪 [kə], 閣 [gə] or 客 [kə] and the series 洛 [lωɔ], 路 [lu], 賂 [lu] and 略 [lyɛ]. It is quite probable that the initial cluster [kl-] served for words that later were simplified to [l-] or for [k-].

In Mandarin there is also a difference between spoken language and the level of written language. The general tendency is that spoken language had a deep influence on written Mandarin, especially after the May Fourth Movement 五四運動, when writers started using the vernacular language (baihua 白話 "plain language") for writing instead of the classical written language (wenyan). Written Mandarin, nevertheless, still uses a lot of grammatic words and expressions in style that are directly derived from the ancient written language.
In Mandarin, most verbs and nouns are disyllabic. Words longer than two syllables are therefore often abbreviated to two syllables, like Zhonggong 中共 for Zhongguo gongchandang 中國共產黨 "Communist Party of China", Chuanzhen 川震 for Sichuan dizhen 四川地震 "the earthquake of Sichuan", or Shengushi 深股市 for Shenzhen gufen shichang 深圳股份市場 "the stock market of Shenzhen". Place names are likely to be abbreviated, and there are some special words for Chinese cities and provinces (Chuan 川 is Sichuan 四川, yet Jin 晉 is Shanxi, and Hu 滬 is Shanghai), but also foreign countries (Mei 美 is the US).
Land disputes have become a major tension between officials and villagers (around China). It’s not the case in those three villages because villagers share the benefits. There are no middlemen. There are no real estate developers colluding with cadres to enrich their own pockets. There’s no such thing because villagers are shareholders in those cooperatives.

The amount of "prepositions" was relatively small in Classical Chinese, the most important are yu 於 "in, on, at", yi 以 "with", wei 為 "for" and yu 與 "to, with". Yu 於 is in modern Chinese superseded by the words zai 在, xiang 向 and gei 給; yi 以 is superseded by yong 用 and ba 把; wei 為 is superseded by bei 被, dui 對 and ti 替; and yu 與 is superseded by he 和, gen 跟 and tong 同. The history of these words can be very interesing. Bei 被, for instance, originally meant (and still means, as beizi 被子) "cover". During the Han period it was used with the meaning of "to be subjected to, to be treated with", and soon became a particle expressing a passive clause. The original meaning of ba 把 was "to control, to handle, to hold" (like modern bawo 把握), but later on it became a particle expressing an object shifted in front of the verb (ba ta sha si 把他殺死 instead of sha si ta 殺死他). Most of these particles have lost their original function as verbs, but there are also others that can also be used as full verbs, like zai 在 "to be present", dui 對 "to be right", gei 給 "to give" or bi 比 "to compare".
Modern literature of the 20th century is also not written in pure vernacular language but takes over the style of late Qing novels (baihua xiaoshuo 白話小說) that were written in a mixed style. A very interesting aspect is the creation of new words in reaction to technical modernization and globalization. Neologisms were partially taken over from Japan (a large amount of technical, political [e.g. guojia/kokka 國家 "nation", "state"] and scientific expressions in Chinese were invented by Japanese in a procedure similar to neo-Latinisms and neo-Graecisms in Western languages) that was modernized somewhat earlier than China, and partially created in China, often imitating linguistic and mental concepts of English, in some cases even syntactical aspects. Many examples for this can be found in the works of Lu Xun 魯迅 (1881-1936).
In Classical Chinese, there was mostly no copula. Instead, equations are expressed by the particle ye 也, like Kongzi, shengren ye 孔子聖人也 "Confucius was a Saint", yet for negation the verb fei 非 is used, Kongzi fei xiaoren 孔子非小人 "Confucius was not a vile person". Yet some early texts already make use of the copulas shi 是 or xi 係. The copula shi 是 in modern Chinese can also signify a relation of belonging, like ren shi yishang, ma shi an 人是衣裳, 馬是鞍 "Men wear clothes, horses bear a saddle."
There are also some disyllabic words that can not be dissolved in two morphemes. One of the two used as a single word would make no sense, like "embarrassed, in a dilemma" ganga 尷尬 or "irregular, uneven" cenci 參差. Words of this type are often beginning with the same consonant or ending with the same phoneme. In modern Mandarin, far the largest part of the words, regardless if verbs or nouns, is disyllabic. 
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