Based on a field study in a village in the northern plain of China, this paper reviews three different types in how Han-Chinese rural people have coped with domestic electrical appliances during the last 40-odd years of electrification. The aim of this paper is to offer an ethnographic study of the complex relations between technology and social life in a Chinese rural setting and to explore the logic and dynamics whereby rural populations confront and integrate new technical products into their everyday life. This paper is divided into three main parts: following the introduction on the “everyday technology approach” and background information about the field site, the author next gives a brief historical description of the electrification process in rural China. The third part is dedicated to the ethnographic data concerning five appliances: electric light, water pump, TV, washing machine and water boiler–cooler. The paper concludes with a discussion of issues concerning appropriation of new technology in the wider background of society/economy/state and everyday habitus, questioning how well conventional oppositional dichotomies like female/male, masculinity/feminity serve as analytical frameworks. —一项关于中国农村家用电器使用方式的研究 本文的写作基础是作者对中国北方一个汉族村落的社会人类学田野考察。由于中国农村的电器化过程长达四十年之久, 农村人群购买和使用家用电器的条件和方式呈现出非常多元的状态。作者选择考察日常生活五种电器—电灯、水泵、电视机、洗衣机、饮水机—来分析三种不同类型的购买和使用方式。本文的目的在于为研究中国农村社会环境下技术与社会生活的复杂关系提供民族志层面上的实证材料, 并探讨农村人群在日常生活中面对和接受新技术产品时所遵循的逻辑及其动力。 全文由三个主要部分组成 : 一、本文的理论背景即“日用技术研究方法”以及与田野调查相关的背景信息二、农村电气化的历史过程 ; 三、对农村人群购买和使用五种家用电器方式的民族志描写。作者认为, 在研究新技术产品如何被接受的过程时, 有必要将其置于社会/经济/国家这些大背景之下, 同时也必须注意到这一过程与日常惯习之间的内在关联。作者发现, 在家用电器进入农村家庭的过程中, 男女性别二元对立出现缓解, 农村家庭中夫妻之间的合作互助关系得以加强, 尽管男性与女性在购买和使用这些电器产品上各自有不同的想法和做法。 关键词 : 社会性别, 家用电器, 电气化, 中国农村
However, Yang's "brawler" fighting style is evocative of her personality. Her anger, one of her main assets in battle, can lead her to act predictably. When her hair is cut during battle, her resulting anger leads her to attack with straight, blunt force. Additionally, a battle against Neopolitan led to frustration on Yang's part, which quickly cost her the battle and almost her life had it not been for the arrival of Raven. Her thoughtless anger led to the quick loss of her right arm in a short encounter with Adam Taurus.
Its population was 3,700,000 at the 2016 census whom 1,301,732 live in the built-up area made of 4 urban districts (Jiefang, Shanyang, Zhongzhan and Macun) and Bo'ai County being urbanized. Jiaozuo enjoys a humid subtropical climate with continental climate influences. Winters are cool and relatively dry while summers are hot and often rainy. Average temperature ranges from 0.3 °C in January to 27.5 °C in July. Extremes exist from -22.4 °C to 43.6 °C. Precipitation averages 659 mm.
Several verbal clauses in sequence are often not joined by conjunctions. The reader has to guess what logical relations the clauses have to each other, like "in order to", "yet still", or others. This also true for modern Chinese, a language that makes far less use of conjunctions than Western languages. For example, Wo fa dianyou cui ta hui lai 我發電郵催他回來 "I send him an e-mail urge him to come home.", or Ta rang wo liu xia lai zhengli jilu 他讓我留下來整理紀錄 "He told me to stay here in order to arrange the records.".
Based on a field study in a village in the northern plain of China, this paper reviews three different types in how Han-Chinese rural people have coped with domestic electrical appliances during the last 40-odd years of electrification. The aim of this paper is to offer an ethnographic study of the complex relations between technology and social life in a Chinese rural setting and to explore the logic and dynamics whereby rural populations confront and integrate new technical products into their everyday life. This paper is divided into three main parts: following the introduction on the “everyday technology approach” and background information about the field site, the author next gives a brief historical description of the electrification process in rural China. The third part is dedicated to the ethnographic data concerning five appliances: electric light, water pump, TV, washing machine and water boiler–cooler. The paper concludes with a discussion of issues concerning appropriation of new technology in the wider background of society/economy/state and everyday habitus, questioning how well conventional oppositional dichotomies like female/male, masculinity/feminity serve as analytical frameworks. —一项关于中国农村家用电器使用方式的研究 本文的写作基础是作者对中国北方一个汉族村落的社会人类学田野考察。由于中国农村的电器化过程长达四十年之久, 农村人群购买和使用家用电器的条件和方式呈现出非常多元的状态。作者选择考察日常生活五种电器—电灯、水泵、电视机、洗衣机、饮水机—来分析三种不同类型的购买和使用方式。本文的目的在于为研究中国农村社会环境下技术与社会生活的复杂关系提供民族志层面上的实证材料, 并探讨农村人群在日常生活中面对和接受新技术产品时所遵循的逻辑及其动力。 全文由三个主要部分组成 : 一、本文的理论背景即“日用技术研究方法”以及与田野调查相关的背景信息二、农村电气化的历史过程 ; 三、对农村人群购买和使用五种家用电器方式的民族志描写。作者认为, 在研究新技术产品如何被接受的过程时, 有必要将其置于社会/经济/国家这些大背景之下, 同时也必须注意到这一过程与日常惯习之间的内在关联。作者发现, 在家用电器进入农村家庭的过程中, 男女性别二元对立出现缓解, 农村家庭中夫妻之间的合作互助关系得以加强, 尽管男性与女性在购买和使用这些电器产品上各自有不同的想法和做法。 关键词 : 社会性别, 家用电器, 电气化, 中国农村

The most important different in the lexicon of the topolects can be seen in personal pronouns, grammatical particles like conjunctions or possessive particles (de 的 in Mandarin, ge 嘅 in Cantonese), the use of suffixes, word repetition (as a method to indicate intensification or mitigation). Bringing forward an object by using a coverbal phrase with the coverb ba 把, for example, is typical for Mandarin Chinese and does not occur in other topolects. A typical question pattern of Beijing Mandarin is the repetition of the predicate in a positive and a negative form (shi bu shi 是不是 "is [or] is not"), while in other dialects of Mandarin, in the lower Yangtze area and the southwest, questions are indicated by the auxiliary verb ke 可 "might [it be that]?", without a repetition of the verb.


The city of Tonghua has also become a hub for a range of Chinese pharmaceutical firms, including domestic insulin producer Tonghua Dongbao Pharmaceuticals Ltd. These companies are generally spread among the various "Industrial parks" found throughout the city, with 46 projects located in these parks in 2012 alone.[8] Investment in Tonghua's pharmaceutical industry is on the increase, with 27 of these projects worth over 100 million Yuan. Other pharmaceutical producers in the area include Jingma, Zhenghe and Wantong Pharmaceuticals.
There is no consensus about the plosives [b], [d] and [g]. In the Hanyu pinyin transcription they are written like presented here (b p, d t, g k). Yet there were originally three different series of plosives, namely voiced (zhuoyin 濁音), voiceless (qingyin 清音) and semi-voiced (qingzhuoyin 清濁音). In some Mandarin dialects in the lower Yangtze area, the voiced plosives are still existing. Many linguists interprete the plosives of Mandarin as semi-voiced and as voiceless, and therefore write [p][pʰ], [t][tʰ] and [k][kʰ]. I think that although this might be correct it is yet misleading for most laypersons, and therefore I will consistently use the symbols indicated in the listing above. 

Jiaozuo is noted for its blast furnaces and machine construction industries. The total GDP of the city in 2017 was 234.28 billion yuan, an increase of 7.4% over the previous year. Among them, the added value of the primary industry was 13.733 billion yuan, up 4.6%; the added value of the secondary industry was 13.841 billion yuan, up 6.7%; the added value of the tertiary industry was 81.143 billion yuan, up 9.1%. The per capita GDP reached 65,936 yuan. The three industrial structures changed from 6.4:59.3:34.3 of 2016 to 5.9:59.5:34.6.link
Middle Chinese is much easier to reconstruct because contemporary Chinese strated investigating the sounds of their own language. The most important of these researches is Lu Fayan's 陸法言 (fl. 601) rhyme dictionary Qieyun 切韻 from the Tang period 唐 (618-907). Based on this book, the Song period 宋 (960-1279) scholar Chen Pengnian 陳彭年 (961-1017) compiled the rhyme dictionary Guangyun 廣韻. In the Qieyun, 193 rhyme groups were used, in the Guangyun, 206 rhyme groups (called the Guangyun rhymes). It is not known upon which idiom these books are based as a standard language. Yet about half of the the 206 rhyme groups are syllables with different tone pitches, and not syllables with different rhymes. There were, therefore, only 90 real rhyme groups.
Directional nouns (fangweici 方位詞) are positioned after the noun or phrase to be described. Structurally, the first noun or phrase is an adjunct to the directional noun (wuli屋裏 "(on) the inner side of the house", i. e. inside the house, guowai 國外 "outside of the country", kaihui qian 開會前 "before the opening of the meeting", literally "(the time) before of opening the session)".
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