A fledgling tourist trade sought to highlight Tonghua attractions such as some impressive ski slopes, the tomb of the local hero General Yang (a resister to the Japanese occupation of Manchukuo in the 1930s) and the beautiful Changbai Shan Nature Reserve for which Tonghua serves as a connecting railway station from the major population centres to the north and west.
In modern Chinese, the most common pronouns are wo 我 for the first person, ni 你 or nin 您 (more polite) for the second person, and ta 他 (general and for males), 她 (for females) and 它 (for objects), as well as za 咱 for the third person. The plural is indicated by the suffix -men 們, yet only for personal pronouns. It can also be used in salutations, like ge wei Huaren lükemen 各位華人旅客們 "dear tourists from China", but not in normal sentences.
Based on a field study in a village in the northern plain of China, this paper reviews three different types in how Han-Chinese rural people have coped with domestic electrical appliances during the last 40-odd years of electrification. The aim of this paper is to offer an ethnographic study of the complex relations between technology and social life in a Chinese rural setting and to explore the logic and dynamics whereby rural populations confront and integrate new technical products into their everyday life. This paper is divided into three main parts: following the introduction on the “everyday technology approach” and background information about the field site, the author next gives a brief historical description of the electrification process in rural China. The third part is dedicated to the ethnographic data concerning five appliances: electric light, water pump, TV, washing machine and water boiler–cooler. The paper concludes with a discussion of issues concerning appropriation of new technology in the wider background of society/economy/state and everyday habitus, questioning how well conventional oppositional dichotomies like female/male, masculinity/feminity serve as analytical frameworks. —一项关于中国农村家用电器使用方式的研究 本文的写作基础是作者对中国北方一个汉族村落的社会人类学田野考察。由于中国农村的电器化过程长达四十年之久, 农村人群购买和使用家用电器的条件和方式呈现出非常多元的状态。作者选择考察日常生活五种电器—电灯、水泵、电视机、洗衣机、饮水机—来分析三种不同类型的购买和使用方式。本文的目的在于为研究中国农村社会环境下技术与社会生活的复杂关系提供民族志层面上的实证材料, 并探讨农村人群在日常生活中面对和接受新技术产品时所遵循的逻辑及其动力。 全文由三个主要部分组成 : 一、本文的理论背景即“日用技术研究方法”以及与田野调查相关的背景信息二、农村电气化的历史过程 ; 三、对农村人群购买和使用五种家用电器方式的民族志描写。作者认为, 在研究新技术产品如何被接受的过程时, 有必要将其置于社会/经济/国家这些大背景之下, 同时也必须注意到这一过程与日常惯习之间的内在关联。作者发现, 在家用电器进入农村家庭的过程中, 男女性别二元对立出现缓解, 农村家庭中夫妻之间的合作互助关系得以加强, 尽管男性与女性在购买和使用这些电器产品上各自有不同的想法和做法。 关键词 : 社会性别, 家用电器, 电气化, 中国农村
Confucian philosophers, often scolded as conservative, were by no means inclined to the classical language. The Zhuzi yulei 朱子語類, a collection of discourses by Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130-1200), is written in vernacular language, at least partially. The creation of a lot of new terms in technology during the Song, Yuan 元 (1279-1368) and also the Ming periods, is due to the growing economy that stimulated a lot of inventions.
In the year 404, Huiyuan wrote a treatise On Why Monks Do Not Bow Down Before Kings (沙門不敬王者論).[4] This book symbolized his efforts to assert the political independence of Buddhist clergy from the courts of monarchic rulers. At the same time, it was a religious and political text that aimed to convince monarchs and Confucian-minded ministers of state that followers of Buddhism were ultimately not subversive. He argued that Buddhists could make good subjects in a kingdom due to their beliefs in retribution of karma and the desire to be reborn in paradise. Despite the Buddhists' reputation of leaving their family behind for a monastic life, Huiyuan stated "those who rejoice in the Way of the Buddha invariably first serve their parents and obey their lords."[1]
The written language has become frozen from the Tang and Song periods on (but was, of course, also influenced by the vernacular language, as can be seen in the writings of Han Yu 韓愈, 768-824, or Zhu Xi), while there were important changes in lexicon and grammar of the spoken language. The difference became even greater until the end of the imperial period. While texts, even that of the first newspapers, were written in Classical Chinese, the vernacular language was very different from the written language. After the May Fourth Movement the vernacular language (Mandarin) was also used for literature, newspapers and for official publications. The Classical Chinese has nevertheless still a deep influence on the written language of Mandarin. Many texts of the late 19th century were already written in a mixed style that is often hard to understand. The mixed style is still in use in many newspapers in Taiwan, Hong Kong and in the Chinese overseas communities.
In 1909, the Qing government founded a Commitee for the Establishment and Research of a National Language (Guoyu biancha weiyuanhui 國語編查委員會), and two years later a Conference for [General] Education in China (Zhongguo jiaoyu huiyi 中國教育會議) was held, which was reestablished after the foundation of the Republic in 1911. The first task of this conference was to determine the correct phonetic range and system of the National language. In 1913 a Conference for the Unification of Pronunciation (duyin tongyi hui 讀音統一會) was held which fixed the correct pronunciation of characters in the national language.
In 1949, the People's Republic adopted the Guoyu as the national language yet changed the name to Putonghua 普通話. The Guoyu used in Taiwan and the Putonghua used in the People's Republic are basically identical, barring some exceptions. In the past 60 years there occurred, nevertheless, changes in the tone pitches of words and the pronunciation of some characters, and the two language have partially a different lexicon (like the word for "bicylce", jiaotache 腳踏車 in Taiwan, but zixingche 自行車 in the PRC, or "taxi", which is jichengche 計程車 in Taiwan but chuzuqiche 出租汽車 in the PRC).
In 1949, the People's Republic adopted the Guoyu as the national language yet changed the name to Putonghua 普通話. The Guoyu used in Taiwan and the Putonghua used in the People's Republic are basically identical, barring some exceptions. In the past 60 years there occurred, nevertheless, changes in the tone pitches of words and the pronunciation of some characters, and the two language have partially a different lexicon (like the word for "bicylce", jiaotache 腳踏車 in Taiwan, but zixingche 自行車 in the PRC, or "taxi", which is jichengche 計程車 in Taiwan but chuzuqiche 出租汽車 in the PRC).

A very large amount of Chinese words includes syllables with slightly similar finals without being categorized as words with "internal rhyme", like shangchuang 上牀 "to go to bed", qingchun 青春 "green spring", i.e. "young age or youth" or qingchun 清純 "pretty and pure". In the narrowest sense, there are only a few words baring more or less the same initials and exactly the same endings (like fufu 夫婦 "husband and wife", jiejue 孑孓, or lulu 轆轤). There are also words including a repeated syllable, like yingying 盈盈 "clear; enchanting; full display; agile, nimble", chuchu 楚楚 "clear, tidy; graceful", zizi 孜孜 "diligent, industrious", or diedie 爹爹 "daddy".
A third group of composita are predicate–object constructions, like chuxi 出席 "to come out on one's seat (to be present)", danxin 擔心 "to carry the heart (to feel anxious)", or xiaolao 效勞 "to bring labour into effect (to work for)". Very seldom are subject–predicate constructions, like dongzhi 冬至 "winter has arrived (Winter Solistice)", danqie 膽怯 "to be cowardly in the guts" (timid)" or juti 具體 "an objects takes shape (concrete)".
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